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2022, vol. 56, br. 1, str. 305-327
Fudbal u lancu navijačkog nasilja - iz medijskog ugla
Univerzitet 'Union - Nikola Tesla', Fakultet za sport, Beograd, Srbija

e-adresavmilenkovic58@gmail.com, dejan.milenkovic2309@gmail.com
Ključne reči: mediji; fudbal; nasilje; huligani
Sažetak
Cilj sprovedenog istraživanja jeste sagledavanje fudbala u lancu navijačkog nasilja sa posebnim osvrtom na izveštavanje medija kao društvenih subjekata čiji je zadatak da podstiču ostale agense društva da ozbiljnije shvate problem i efikasnije reaguju na nasilno i huligansko ponašanje fudbalskih navijača. Povezivanjem teorijskih saznanja i empirijskih podataka, u radu su u okviru predmeta istraživanja u medijskom kontekstu sagledani primeri nasilja navijača na fudbalskim stadionima pre, za vreme i posle fudbalskih utakmica. Zaključuje se da se samo organizovanom društvenom akcijom svih agenasa, a posebno medija, može doći do rešenja problema nasilja i huliganizma.

Introduction

From the initial statement about sport being "a spontaneous manifestation of physical strength", "the darkness of our instinctive life" owing its emergence to the responsible modern society (Gatman, 1978, according to Scambler, 2007, p. 244), to the viewpoint that in the past few decades football as a planetary popular communicative activity has become one of the basic products of mass media, particularly television, it may be concluded that football is a media form that reflects cultural life of a country on the whole (Blain & Boyle, 2005, р. 622). Moreover, sharing the destiny of the society, due to growing political and socio-economic problems, in many countries football is perceived as a power that will initiate changes and affect the positive promotion in the world (Blain & Boyle, 2005). The media struggling for as many viewers and online views often rely on the offer of various sport content that used to belong to the group of the cheapest types of programmes.

Media-sport spectacles have enabled the development of specialised sport channels whose twenty-four-hour programme is watched by the audience at the global level (Milenković, 2022, p. 159). In that relationship of mutual benefit between the society, the media and sport, the media influence did not stop only on the affirmation of the game, but it also shaped the structure and organization of many different sports (Blain & Boyle, 2005, р. 630) and decisively affected the behaviour of the segmented audience, particularly its most sensitive part (Stamenković & Milenković, 2014) and the attitude towards aggression in sport. "The media have substantially helped in creating and affirming in advance the belief that brutality is a constituent regulator in all social relations" (Koković, 2007, p. 142). That is why the conducted research is aimed at perceiving football in the chain of fan violence, with a special overview of the reporting of the media as social subjects.

Sport and violence

Violence in sport is defined in various terms – from "instinctive behaviour" (Koković, 2010, p. 16), over "unbridled force" (Kriegel, 2003, p. 173), to the abuse of power; from deliberate harm caused to another person to verbal violence within violent communication. Violence in sport is seen through the instinct theory, the frustrating aggression theory, existential theory and the theory of social study (Đorić, 2014, p. 33), which, in Albert Bandura's opinion, is the only one to observe aggression through the learning process, and not as an innate urge. Apart from these, there are also theories of the behaviour of fans and fan groups, such as Jan Taylor's and John Clark's class theory that dealt with football hooliganism in Great Britain (Pavlović & Vejnović, 2014, p. 150).

The sociological aspect of violence at football pitches is observed through several factors that have been in continuous effect since the 1990s to date. For the countries in transition, this period is characterized by economic stratification of the population, accompanied with social disorganization, general state of moral crisis, poverty, riots, ineffectiveness of social norms (Simeunović-Patić, 2003). In the so-called Durkheimian anomie (Durkheim, 1972) there has been an individual value and psychological dissolution of those strata of the society that did not succeed in coping with the economic and political crises (Jugović, 2014, p. 21), which constituted one of the causes of emerging undesirable forms of behaviour in the society. Among deviant social responses of young people to anomie, together with innovation, withdrawal, ritualism, Merton (Merton, 1968) also includes rebellion as the most frequent expression of protest, resistance and revolt.

Exposure to violence and increasing tolerance towards it, widespread possession of firearms and the absence of control of crime also constitute some of relevant factors responsible for the increase in violence in the society (Simeunović-Patić, 2003). That was also contributed by latent messages from the media sphere about violence as normal behaviour among people, with the image of the desirable lifestyle – a combination of patriotism, power and wealth (Jugović, 2014, p. 24), the spread of all forms of social aggression, exclusion in presenting reality through the division into "good" and "bad" (Baudrillard, 1991), patriots and traitors, and the penetration of the language of violence into public speech.

The phenomenon of violence at football matches is accompanied with the emergence of contradictory conclusions: from violence being the indicator of the destruction of the moral foundation of the society to it being in the nature of sport games, and that this term does not make a distinction between violence in the field and outside it, violence among players or spectators (Dunning, 1999). The studies conducted in the last century indicate that there are several key viewpoints following and explaining the development of human aggression: instinct (aggression as an innate characteristic), urge (aggression caused externally), social study (learned and acquired aggression), and cognitive studies (the role of perception and processing of thoughts) (Baron & Richardson, 1994; Geen, 2001). Violent behaviour is not a product of sport, but a consequence of violence in the society (Đurđević, 2010, p. 286); therefore, violence in sport cannot be observed outside the context of aggressiveness in the society. Sociology of sport examines deeper social causes starting from the phenomenon of identification that is reflected in young people's desire to belong to a group and thus be value-oriented towards promoting those roles most commonly presented within media contents. In that "valuelessness" that disturbs social roles (work, gender, family) (Milosavlјević & Jugović, 2009), young people express their frustrations at stadiums which have become the ritual places for carnival behaviour (Giulianotti, 2008, p. 95), fanatic cheering and exercise of power. Due to their inability to express their attitudes at home, at school or at work, searching for the lost identity, members of fan groups express their opinion within the sport spectacle, participating in the activities of the crowd (Koković, 1990, p. 44), ranging from rude cheering and manifestation of rebellion and animosity towards everything that is different, to violence and hooliganism.

Violence in sport is every word or act of a sportsman, coach, referee or audience that harms those who are included in the sport activity (Bačanac, Petrović & Manojlović, 2010). The concept of violence in sport is most commonly associated with the wild behaviour of football fans, the roughness of football game, rivalry among football players or hooliganism. Sociologists believe that fans resort to violence at stadiums because of their need to identify themselves with the club they support (Koković, 2010, p. 126), even when that need is manifested much more peacefully, "only" through chanting, singing, insulting language, resistance to law enforcement officers.

Violence may have several different forms: "organized, spontaneous, ritual or instrumental" (Koković, 2001) and may appear as a consequence of accumulated aggressiveness due to ethnic, cultural, religious and political antagonisms (Bodin, Robène & Héas, 2007, р. 16) which have been burgeoning for a while, sometimes waiting for an insignificant occasion to culminate and manifest unexpectedly at stadiums or in city streets, this is followed by the familiar scenario in the form of "resistance and protests" (Koković, 2010, p. 136). Media spectacles can awaken different emotions among spectators, creating images of what we are like, and what the others are like (Blain & Boyle, 2005, р. 633). A football match becomes an opportunity to insist on diversities of fan identities, while the stadium is a place of "ritual expression of the metaphor friend/enemy" (Pavlović & Vejnović, 2014, p. 151).

Hooliganism is not only a form of manifesting individual aggression, but it also assumes a much deeper meaning (historical, ritual, anthropological, ideological, value and social basis) (Jugović 2014, p. 107). Dunning (Dunning, 2000, р.142) thinks that the phenomenon of hooliganism is most often associated with football and that, with the most popular sport on the planet, it also becomes a global phenomenon itself, understood more as a media and political construct than as a sociological concept. Roversi and Balestri (Roversi & Balestri, 2000) define hooliganism as vandalism supported by organized aggression directed towards rival groups that get into conflict at stadiums and outside them. Football hooliganism is associated with forms of physical violence such as throwing various objects into the pitch, destruction of property, fighting with/without the use of cold/fire arms, organized conflicts regardless of the actual day of the match (Dunning, 2000, р. 142), protests, racist acting, and hate speech. The politicization of fan groups, their use in interethnic conflicts, the social crisis, young people's marginal status, unemployment, the protective attitude of clubs towards fans, violence institutionalization through fan organizations, are a suitable framework for the escalation of hooliganism (Misić, 2010, p. 87). Gaining the reputation of fighters for democracy in the local environment, flaunt brutality and present themselves as passionate football fans (Scambler, 2007, p. 171).

Media and violence

Effects of violence in the media can be seen through imitation, identification, encouragement of aggressiveness, creation of models, reduced compassion, and development of the culture of fear etc (Jugović, 2014, pp. 98–99). The research of media impact, especially during the expansion of television, indicates negative action of media images, from the erosion of literacy, language deterioration or insensitivity to delinquency and violence. The general model of aggressiveness in the media establishes a relation between exposure to media presentation of violence and the development of aggression among children (Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Anderson & Dill, 2000), which causes short-term (aggressive thoughts, feelings and behaviours) and long-term effects (undertaking aggressive actions, forming positive attitudes to the use of violence, reduced compassion). At the macro-social level, media structures of deviant behaviours are recognized through the passivization of the public, the culture of fear, the power of the media in the legitimization of violence and, at the micro-social level, through a long-term negative effect of the media on the aggressiveness of the youngest, because they believe in everything they see on the screen (Gentile et аl., 2004). By the stimulus-response pattern, monitoring the behaviour of children exposed to violent media contents has shown that more than 80% of young people imitated aggressive acts seen on television (Bandura, 1994, according to Briggs & Cobley, 2005); some reports about harmful effects of the television programme testify that there is neither special harm nor special benefit from exposure to violent media contents (Schramm, 1961, according to Briggs & Cobley, 2005); however, Berkowitz (Berkowitz, 1993, according to Briggs & Cobley, 2005) emphasizes that watching violence initiates aggressive thinking, emotions and aggressive acts. Since the development of computer networks, media criticism takes into account the cultural context, audience diversity and interactivity, so Gemson claims that "people read messages in complicated and sometimes unpredictable ways" (Gemson, 1992, according to Briggs & Cobley, 2005, pp. 422–423) and that the screen image has a much stronger effect on their message interpretation and conclusions than the comments of professional communicators (Balle, 1997, p. 46) because in the media act of reality mediation, the screen image "produces an illusion that is at the same time reality itself" (Vuksanović, 2007, p. 50). However, media exposure to violence is only one of the risk factors for increasing verbal and physical aggressiveness.

Regardless of the great influence of the television image and the live broadcasting of media-sport spectacles, the media are not omnipotent. Heim believes that the truth about negative effects of the media should be searched for between idealistic interpretations and "naïve-realistic" viewpoints that accuse the electronic media culture of violence, crime and unemployment (Heim, 1998, according to Vuksanović, 2007). Apart from the image, the reception level is affected by the repetition of key phrases and topics, narrative coherence, the use of metaphors (Briggs & Cobley, 2005, p. 427) and specific media-interpreted scenes. Depending on the openness of the society, and thus of the media system, the media attention is also focused on socially important topics in order to enable the public to make proper conclusions and to enable the authorities to correct its actions.

As early as 1970s the British tabloid press discovered hooliganism as a useful sensationalist topic that increases the circulation. Short and effective headlines, war metaphors, large-size photographs of stadium riots on front pages marked the beginning of the development of a new reporting style that enticed hooligans to behave violently in order to attract even more media attention (Milošević & Milašinović, 2011, p. 504). Before "EURO 96" semi-finals between England and Germany, the atmosphere resembled war events, or a "war-spectacle" (Vuksanović, 2007, p. 14) rather than a sport event, which was aided by newspaper headlines such as Let's blitz Fritz and media representation of English football players like war heroes. The euphoria ended up in riots, fights between the rival fan groups or conflicts with the police (Blain & Boyle, 2005, р. 632), and football violence assumed the characteristics of a media spectacle followed by the television audience (that watched and applauded). By creating the atmosphere in which it was normal to resolve disputes through violence, within the psychoanalytical understanding, the audience begins to see violence as a vent for letting off aggressive tendencies (Koković, 2010, p. 127).

Research methodology

Having in mind that violence is a problem of the entire society, and it cannot be associated solely with the field of sport, the conducted research was aimed at perceiving of football in the chain of fan violence, with a special overview of the reporting of the media as social subjects whose task is to encourage other agents of the society to understand the problem more seriously and to respond more efficiently to violent and hooligan behaviour of football fans.

By using the descriptive-explicative method and the theoretical analysis method and by connecting theoretical findings and empirical data, within the research subject in the media context, the paper looks at the examples of fan violence at football stadiums before, during and after football matches.

Research results

Violence of football audience

Professional fans have a single goal – personal promotion, positioning and gaining power. Inside fan groups, there is a strict hierarchy starting from sympathizer members, via the core membership to the highest level – fan leadership (Vejnović, 2014, p. 14) and the leader as the most prominent figure. Their activities are guided by the so-called "fans' disposition" that depends on the daily political situation, on their attitude towards the prevailing social values, on the current state of the society and sport (the breakthrough of negativity, deviation and crime), on manipulative tendencies aimed at diverting public attention from existential problems of young people to hooliganism, and on the benevolent attitude of the media and public towards violence that has overflowed from social life to football stadiums (Koković, 1990, p. 50) and city streets (assaulting Brice Taton in the centre of Belgrade in 2009).

Aggressive fan groups first appeared in Europe in the 1970s (Goldblatt, 2008, р. 548) and this phenomenon spread to the territory of ex-Yugoslavia with the formation of fan groups, institutionalization of hooliganism, cherishing a protective relationship between clubs and political leaders (Milošević & Milašinović, 2011, p. 497). Aggressive support assumed the form of a media-sport spectacle, "a machine producing light excitement" (Koković, 2010, pp. 127–128). Media reporting from "eternal derbies" between Red Star and Partizan is characterized by negative presentation of the Other; rhetoric distinction between Us and Them, ethnic prejudice and stereotypes (Van Dijk, 2015), toning down the information positive for Them and the negative information that is negative for Us (Van Dijk, 2000). Sport reporting in tabloids changes the manner of media speech. It has become possible to call sportsmen and sport officials by insulting names equally on cover pages and at stadiums. The following step was physical assault, wild behaviour, breaking the property, setting off flares, lighting torches, hurting and killing (at the 113th derby in 1999, Aleksandar Radović was killed by a fired rocket).

In May 1990, after the fans' riots at Zagreb stadium "Maksimir", at the match between Dinamo and Red Star (Matić, 2020), the Swiss daily Neue Zürcher Zeitung marked that match as the beginning of the chain of violence in the territory of ex-Yugoslavia. Violence and hate speech continued after the year of 2000 too. The match of youth national teams of Croatia and Serbia in 2009 was interrupted because of the fans' chanting and messages written on the placards: "Hang Serbs on Willow Trees!" and "Kill, kill the Serb!" (Politick, 2009). Media images of violence at derbies or matches of national football teams are remembered for a long time. The actions of hooligans are analyzed, particularly of the members of vulnerable social groups who do not share the same values with the social community (Otašević, 2014, p. 4), and particularly of the "fan cores" known for vandalism and destructive behaviour (Božović, 2007, p. 103). Dissatisfaction with own life and the social exclusion status are expressed through aggressiveness with the intention of destroying what is unavailable to those people, so they resort to hooliganism by destroying property, committing criminal offences under the influence of alcohol (Spaaij, 2006, р. 360). The match in Genoa between the Italian and Serbian national teams in the qualifications for the European Championship in 2012 was called off when the Serbian fans with balaclava caps threw flares at the spectators and the players, cut the protective wife and used bars to break the glass fence (Sekulić, 2010). Television spectators could see the live broadcast of the main rioter – the Red Star fan leader who wore a T-shirt with a skull and the text "Chetniks from the North" ([Radio Televizija Srbije RTS, 2010]). Fan groups, apart from the precise hierarchy, are also characterized by their symbols: scarves, T-shirts, flags, logos, logos, anthems and placards (Đorić, 2012, pp. 116–118). Italian print media published the photos of the "ultranationalist" and "black man" with the accompanying headlines: "Banditry of Serbian Guerrilla" (La Repubblica), "Serbian Disgrace" (Tuttosport), "Beasts" (Lа Gazzetta dello Sport) (RTS, 2010) etc.

Media context

Violence at matches that assumes the form of a media spectacle overflows into the current daily political topics, selected as the headline-hitting news that, by their content and meaning, causes certain reactions among the audience. By the status of the news in the media programme, the public observes priority topics that go from the media agenda (Radojković & Đorđević, 2001, p. 225) to the public agenda. By constantly keeping those topics in the public focus (topic repetition, commenting, inviting experts and analyst), a message is sent to the mass public until the desired effect is achieved in its majority, while showing pictures of violence with time creates numbness and indifference of spectators (Blain & Boyle, 2005, р. 634). After the tragedy at Brussels stadium "Heysel", in the conflict of Juventus and Liverpool fans in the 1985 Champion Cup finals, French daily L'Équipe wrote: "If this is football, let it die" (Goldblatt, 2008, p. 543). Using the available means of expression (text, image, photograph, sound), some media affirmed hooligan behaviour and verbal violence by inappropriate choice of information, wrong order of presentation and alteration of images and words in media messages (V Milenković & D. Milenković, 2017, p. 16), while others reported so as to exercise "a powerful effect on recognizing the problem" of violence (Gowing, 1994, according to Briggs & Cobley, 2005). The audience realizes that violence is a priority topic and distinguish high-quality from tabloid processing by the status such news has in the media programme, by the manner of forming the news, by the length of the text/broadcast, by the allotted space/time, the level of seriousness, analytics and frequency of repetition.

When Pannoncini, the assistant coach of Red Star Football Club was hit on the head at the Europa League match against Danish FC "Midtjylland" (Arena sport, 2021), the media qualified this aggression as "an incident", which points to the desire to minimize the event although the situation required the use of the word violence as an act of aggression. Instead of condemning the event, most editorial boards openly expressed satisfaction because of the absence of UEFA's strict punishment. The media as global stadiums of modern sport constitute an important factor in the formation of fan subcultures, club images, in the establishment of stereotypes, homogenization of fans and shaping the patterns of violent behaviour (Vejnović, 2014, p. 66). Aware of the power and persuasiveness of fan violence, the media are only one of the factors that may lead to increasing violence. However, they are not omnipotent and cannot independently stop or control fan groups in whose homogenization they participated.

Reporting about hate speech, the media often transmit the statements of sport officials who explain hate speech and racism at football pitches as a common form of communication, closely connected to sport, even as the ritual behaviour of sportsmen and sport officials (e.g. football player Zlatan Ibrahimović being exposed to nation-based insults at the UEFA Europa League match Red Star – Milano in 2021). Before and after the 2012 match between youth teams of Serbia and England in Kruševac, violent and racist riots broke out at the pitch (V. Milenković & D. Milenković, 2014, p. 131). Many sport journalists did not report about the details of the all-in fight, and the most quoted statement in the media was that by national team selector Janković that "there was nothing to be ashamed of " (Politika, 2012). Danny Rose was accused of starting the fight after suffering racist insults because of his skin colour, but the prevailing headlines in the media were: "Young Eagles Beaten, with a Fight at the End" (RTS, 2012), "Henderson about the incident: they threw stones, chairs and coins at us" (Blic sport, 2012), "Powerless Young Eagles, a Scandal at the End" (B92, S.O., 2012) – not a hint of condemning racism. Bojan Milošević (2007, pp. 71–74) believes that there is no analytical-interpretative sport journalism in our country and that there are journalists in sport editorial boards who spread intolerance, racism and nationalism.

Before a "high-risk" match, journalists can use their comments to alleviate tension or to entice conflicts; to stress the global phenomenon of violence in the sport world as something inevitable faced by all countries worldwide; to explain aggressive acting of the audience as a reaction caused by an unfair gesture or dissatisfaction with a decision of a coach, a player or a referee. The standards of journalist profession require that reporting should proceed in a socially responsible manner, which implies the obligation of the media to point to the unacceptability of the connection between violence and sport and to insist on the whole community being engaged in the resolution of this problem (V. Milenković & D. Milenković, 2014). However, sport reporters are constantly exposed to pressure and they rarely openly criticize clubs and fan groups. They are asked to favour certain sportsmen, to write articles as dictated by their editors or sport officials (25.3%), to distribute unchecked information and disinformation (44%), to hide some facts and invent sources (18.7%) (Bačanac et al., 2010, p. 12).

Organized crime as a social phenomenon is formed in the interaction of social, political, economic and cultural contexts, which points to an intertwined relationship of organized crime groups, the society and the state (Jugović, 2014, p. 63). Recent examples in Serbia show that there is often no difference between hooligan fans and members of a criminal clan1. In order to inform the audience about the government action directed at revealing and sanctioning the activities of criminal groups, some media show partly censored photographs of the killed victims in the prime time on national-frequency television channels. The media are obliged to inform the public truthfully and in a timely manner and to familiarize it with the current situation in the country regarding the government's combat against organized crime (Maričić, 2021). They have various forms of journalist expression at their disposal within mass-media communication practice and that is why it is unnecessary to show the photos with gruesome and shocking content. Because of insulting and disturbing images, television broadcasts also constitute obscene material that disturbs (or insults) the audience (Alvin Day, 2004). One of the biggest ethical dilemmas of editors is whether they should opt for responsibility or for increasing the circulation and profit: whether reporting should shock spectators in order to make them understand the gravity and relevance of events or whether a balanced solution should be found in order to protect the audience and the victims' families and friends. Alvin Day (2004. pp. 370–373). believes that the boundaries of good taste and decency should not be crossed by using disturbing pictures.

Discussion

Sport in the media is important not only in cultural and economic, but also in political and ideological terms. The national strategy for avoidance and prevention of violence and inappropriate behaviour, which emphasized that the media should avoid broadcasting unpleasant scenes in the prime time or publish photographs and video-recordings of violence on cover pages, imposed greater responsibility on all participants of sport manifestations (Мilošević & Milašinović, 2011, p. 508). The government's intensified action against fan groups ensued in the form of enacting new amendments to the Law on the Prevention of Violence (Pravno-informacioni sistem, 2013) and the introduction of a more restrictive penal policy.

The analysis of the media perception of football in the chain of fan violence has pointed to different reporting of journalists about the topic of football violence and hooliganism. While some media have treated fan violence as a sensationalist topic that raises the circulation, viewership and visits to portals, others have dealt with the transmission of information without justifying the activities of fan groups. The research analyzing different categories of media texts (forms of violence, causes, actors, victims, attitudes towards violence) has indicated that the print media in Serbia do not condemn violence (only 33.1% critical texts), but respond with reservation (passive attitude in 51.5% reports). Out of five hundred reviewed articles (long, medium and short), long articles more often condemn (45.7%) and explain violence (14.8%) than the short and medium ones.2 At the time of escalating football violence, there were very few analytical texts about violence as a phenomenon and even fewer media that encouraged other agents of the society (primarily the state) to understand the problem more seriously and to sanction more efficiently the aggressive behaviour of football fans. The research conducted by the Republic Institute for Sport and CESID from 2008 shows that, by their objective and critical reporting, the media can preventively affect the avoidance of violence, as well as use their manner of monitoring and reporting to send a message about the social acceptance of violence (only 38% of the texts speak of responsibility for violence) (Мilošević & Milašinović, 2011, p. 507).

By perceiving media reporting about this topic, it may be concluded that although violence is the problem of the entire society, by spreading shocking information, by approaching topics in a sensationalist manner, by not calling for responsibility, by immunizing the problem of violence, the media as social subjects did not encourage other agents of the society to understand the problem more seriously and to respond more efficiently to the violent and hooligan behaviour of football fans.

Conclusion

This paper considers, in the media context, the examples of fan violence at football stadiums before, during and after football matches. The aim of the conducted research was directed at perceiving football in a chain of fan violence with a special review of the reporting of the media as social subjects whose task is to encourage other agents of the society to understand the problem more seriously and to respond more efficiently to violent and hooligan behaviour of football fans.

While it is in the media nature to search for exclusive news, professional fans, hooligans and their order-givers need publicity. By everyday spreading shocking news and pictures of violence, reporting on spectacular twists and turns of events, minimizing Our mistakes while insisting on Theirs, the media that live from sensations do not contribute to the resolution of problems nor do they send messages that condemn the wild behaviour of fan groups; they do not call for responsibility, they do not recommend a dialogue nor do they strive for truth. In a multitude of symbolic representations in the public space, both We and They impose their own viewpoints, trying to put the messages of the media daily agenda as the news on the public agenda, to use manipulative techniques for presenting in public their own view of events as the only proper one.

However, the media cannot be declared culprits for frequent violence at football matches because they report about the violence of the fans who want to destroy the way of life in the society, the rule of law, freedom of speech and sport. The media responsibility is huge; it is necessary to report professionally, to have a feeling of measure and analytical perception of problems, as well as setting priorities in their resolution.

By connecting theoretical findings and empirical data, it may be concluded that only with the organized social action of all agents, in particular of media, a solution can be reached to the problems of criminality and hooliganism that threaten to become stronger than the state itself. Safety at football events can be improved only by insisting on positive social values, tolerance and sport competition as a desirable lifestyle, by encouraging the response of the clubs, sportsmen, organizations, government institutions and overall public.

Endnotes

1The arrest of Belivuk’s criminal group that was marked as a group of Partisan fans, some of whom allegedly belong to the Kavač criminal clan.
2Results of the project “Media, Sport, Violence” of the Ministry of Youth and Sport and the Association of Sport Journalists of Serbia from 2009.

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Jugović, A. (2014) Records in Anomie: Essays in the Science of Social Deviations. Beograd: Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja
Koković, D. (1990) Violence in Sport: Between Explosion of Élan Vital and Madness. Kultura, (88-90): 41-54, Available at: https://www.casopiskultura.rs/wp-content/ uploads/2021/publikacije/4.%20Dragan%20Kokovic%20-%20Nasilje%20u%20sportu%20-%20izmedju.pdf
Koković, D. (2001) Violence of Sport Fans. Defendologija, (10): 9-29
Koković, D. (2007) Society and Media Challenges: An Introduction to the Sociology of Mass Communication. Novi Sad: Filozofski fakultet - Odsek za medijske studije
Koković, D. (2010) Society, Violence and Sport. Novi Sad: Mediterran publishing
Kriegel, B. (2003) La violence a la télévision: Rapport de la Mission d' évaluation, d' analyse et de proposition relatives aux représentations violentes a' la télévision. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France
Maričić, S. (2021) Serbia, Crime and the Case of Veljko Belivuk: Five Things You Need to Know. BBC News in Serbian, Available at: https://www.bbc.com/serbian/lat/srbija-57932803
Matić, S. (2020) War Games at the Stadium: 30 Years Since the Match at Maksimir. DW, Available at: https://www.dw.com/sr/ratne-igre-na-stadionu-30-godina-odutakmice-na-maksimiru/a-53424486
Merton, R.K. (1968) Social Theory and Social Structure. New York: The Free Press
Milenković, V., Milenković, D. (2014) Violence on Sports Fields and Media Responsibility. u: Bošković B. [ur.] First International Conference 'Safety Management of Sports Competitions', Proceedings, Beograd: Univerzitet 'Union-Nikola Tesla' - Fakultet za sport, 129-134
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Milenković, V. (2022) Introduction to Journalism. Beograd: Univerzitet 'Union-Nikola Tesla' - Fakultet za sport
Milosavljević, M., Jugović, A. (2009) Beyond Society, Modern Society and Marginal Groups. Beograd: Fakultet za specijalnu edukaciju i rehabilitaciju
Milošević, B. (2007) Sports, Media and Society. Novi Sad: TIMS
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Misić, Z. (2010) Violence and Inappropriate Behavior of Fans as a Factor Endangering Safety. Beograd: Fakultet bezbednosti, master thesis
Otašević, B. (2014) Conceptual Definition of Violence at Sports Events. u: Young Hooligans at Sports Events, Beograd: Organizacija za svjetsku evropsku bezbjednost i kulturu
Pavlović, P., Vejnović, D. (2014) Theory and Sociology of Sport. Banja Luka: Univerzitet u Banja Luci - Udruženje nastavnika i saradnika
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Radojković, M., Đorđević, T. (2001) Fundamentals of Communicology. Beograd: Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka
Roversi, A., Balestri, C. (2000) Italian Ultras Today: Change or Decline?. European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research, 8(2): 183-199
S.O. (2012) Powerless 'Eagles': A Scandal in the End. Available at: https://www.b92.net/sport/fudbal/vesti.php?yyyy=2012&mm=10&dd=16&nav_id=652332
Scambler, G. (2007) Sport and Society: History, Power and Culture. Beograd: Clio
Sekulić, J. (2010) The Match in Genoa was Stopped. Novosti Online, Available at: https://www.novosti.rs/vesti/sport.72.html:303473-Prekinut-mec-u-Djenovi
Simeunović-Patić, B.J. (2003) Homicides in Serbia Within the Context of Social Transition and War. Temida, 6(4): 33-45
Spaaij, R.F.J. (2006) Understanding Football Hooliganism: A Comparison of Six Western European Football Clubs. Amsterdam: Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences, UvA Thesis, Available at: https://pure.uva.nl/ws/files/44222576/Thesis.pdf
Stamenković, S., Milenković, V. (2014) Journalism Between Serving the Public and Indulging the Tastes of the Audience. In Medias Res, 3(5): 630-648, http://www.centar-fm.org/inmediasres/index.php/in-medias-res-broj5
van Dijk, T.A. (2015) Critical Discourse Analysis. u: Schiffrin D., Tannen D., Hamilton H.E. [ur.] The Handbook of Discourse Analysis, Malden Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers, 352-371
van Dijk, T.A. (2000) Ideology: A Multidisciplinary Approach. Thousand Oaks, California - London: Sage Publications
Vejnović, D. (2014) Violence and Sport: Causes, Consequences and Coping Strategies. Banja Luka: Evropski defendologija centar za naučna, politička, ekonomska, socijalna, bezbjednosna, sociološka i kriminološka istraživanja, https://defendologija-banjaluka.com/files/Nasilje.i.sport.Banjaluka.2014.prof.Dusko.Vejnovic.pdf
Vuksanović, D. (2007) Philosophy of Media: Ontology, Aesthetics, Critique. Beograd: Institut za pozorište, film, radio i televiziju
 

O članku

jezik rada: srpski, engleski
vrsta rada: pregledni članak
DOI: 10.5937/socpreg56-35221
primljen: 13.12.2021.
revidiran: 27.02.2022.
revidiran: 02.03.2022.
prihvaćen: 16.03.2022.
objavljen u SCIndeksu: 29.04.2022.
metod recenzije: dvostruko anoniman
Creative Commons License 4.0

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