2007, vol. 31, br. 4, str. 733-755
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Antropološka skica haranja kuge u svetu Islama od 7. do 19. veka
Anthropologic sketch of plague raging in the Islamic world, from VII to XIX century
Ključne reči: kuga; dogma; mongolska mreža; hadisi; islamski traktati o kugi
Keywords: plague; dogma; Mongolian network; hadises; Islamic tractates about plague
Sažetak
Ovaj rad u uvodu prikazuje ekološke osobine bolesti kuge, koja je pomorima ostvarila ireverzibilne demografske i civilizacijske efekte na čovčanstvo u dva navrata, tokom prve dve pandemije ili svetskih pohoda, početkom 6. i 14. veka nove ere. Nadalje se iznosi eko-istorijska podloga haranja kuge svetom islama od 7. do 19. veka, koju je stvorila činjenica da se taj svet proširio na Centralnu Aziju. Tamo se nalaze ogromni areali drevnog primarnog žarišta bolesti, koje je fizički dinamizirala najpre islamizacija tog regiona uz značajnu urbanizaciju i migracije, a zatim, od 11. do 13. veka, mongolska turbulencija. Ekspanzija Mongola, koji su stepu primarnog žarišta pretvorili u pravu mobilnu mrežu, okužila je i stabilno endemizovala, najpre, svet islama, kojeg su Mongoli osvojili i opustošili. Međutim, ona je prouzrokovala i drugu pandemiju kuge, zbog trgovačkih kontakata Evropljana sa Istokom, usled kojih je prirodno žarišna zarazna bolest uneta u Zapadnu Evropu, gde je u okviru prvih talasa, tzv. "Crne smrti" sredinom 14. veka uništila najmanje jednu četvrtinu do trećine stanovništa. Ova katastrofa uslovila je brutalne višeznačne tranzicije Zapadne Evrope, čiji je uspon i razvoj podstakla povećana ekonomska moć preživelih, uz porast cene radne snage i, naravno, slobodu duha, koja je nastala na fonu nečuvenih pomora koji su iz temelja uzdrmali dotadašnju svemoć hrišćanske dogme. Za razliku od nje, dogma islama je opstala pred naletom pošasti, zato što je ona već tokom prve pandemije, koja je trajala od 6. do 8. veka, bolest proglasila božijom voljom i milošću za mislimane, čime je vezala ruke vernicima za izvodljivu materijalnu zaštitu, a to je u prošlosti bila samo svakovrsna čistoća i izolacija od obolelih. Ovaj rad prikazuje kako su evropski muslimani, tokom "Crne smrti" gde se bolest pokazala očigledno prenosivom bili prinuđeni da održavaju privid pravoverne vere u tradicionalna kazivanja, da zaraza dolazi od Boga, iako su shvatili da je ona materijalna. Na taj način, rad pokazuje cenu kojom je dogma islama opstala pred pomorima "Crne smrti" i još to, kako su razlike u pristupu bolesti kod hrišćana i muslimana uslovile da Zapadnjaci zbog kuge temeljno promene nabolje svoje higijenske navike, dok svet islama nije tako postupio, smatrajući da pošast-božija volja ne zahteva nikakva institucionalna prilagođavanja. Ovo je stvorilo ogromnu razliku u okuženosti sveta hrišćanstva i sveta islama koji je bio stabilno endemizovan, usled čega se Evropa počev od 14. veka izolavala od njega neprobojnom protivkužnom barijerom, koja se prostirala nasred srpskih zemalja - sve do 19. veka. Rad nadalje pokazuje kako su Osmanci, manje ortodoksni od Arabljana, sredinom 19. veka razrešili problem verske obaveze pasivnog predavanja kugi, uglavnom pod uticajem Zapadnih Evropljana. Do ovoga je došlo tako što je jedan velikaš Osmanske carevine na izdisaju uspostavio mere protivkužne zaštite u luci Aleksandrije, uprkos ogorčenih protesta uglednih pravovernika. Nakon ovoga presedana, propadajuća Osmanska carevina pridružila se Zapadnjacima u sprovođenju protivkužnih mera. U radu se ukratko napominje i stradanje Srbije od kuge, usled njenog specifičnog geopolitičkog položaja, koji je tokom pet vekova izložio pošasti stanovništvo, koje je bilo sprečeno da se validno institucionalno zaštiti. Cena koju je dogma islama platila da se održi pred kugom meri se milionima ljudskih života, što danas muslimanski istoriografi bolesti, uglavnom, ne iznose.
Abstract
This study presents in the introductory part the ecological characteristics of the contagious disease of plague, which produced irreversible demographic and civilization effects on the mankind by causing massive deaths during two outbreaks, i.e. during first two pandemics or worldwide visitations, early in the 6th and 14th centuries AD. Further, it gives the eco-historical background of the plague that was raging over the Islamic world from the 7th to the 19th century, which was primarily caused by the spread of that world towards Central Asia. There were located huge areas of the primary ancient foci of the disease, which were physically activated first of all by islamization of that region followed by significant urbanization and migrations, and then, from the 11th to 13th century - by the Mongolian turbulence. The Mongolian expansion, which turned the steppe of primary focus into a really mobile network, infected and made endemic primarily the Islamic world, which was conquered and devastated by Mongolians. However, it also caused the second plague pandemic, due to commercial contacts between Europeans and the East, thus bringing the contagious disease into Western Europe where within the first outbreaks of the so-called 'Black Death', by the mid-14th century, at least one quarter to one third of population was killed. This disaster caused brutal and ambiguous transitions of Western Europe, which progress and development were encouraged by the increased economic power of survivors, followed with the increase of labor price and of course the freedom of mind of the Renaissance - created after unprecedented massive deaths, which thoroughly shook former omnipotence of the Christian dogma. Unlike it, the Islamic dogma survived the attack of the pestilence because during the first pandemic, which lasted from the 6th to 8th century, it had already declared the disease as God's will and mercy for Muslims, thus binding the hands of Muslims to carry out feasible material protection, and that was in the past only cleanliness of whatever kind and isolation from the sick. This work presents how European Muslims during 'the Black Death', when the disease apparently proved itself to be transferable they were forced to maintain the illusion of the rightful faith in traditional beliefs that the contagion was the work of God, although they realized it was material. In this way the work shows the price the Islamic dogma had paid to survive massive deaths caused by 'the Black Death', and moreover, how different approaches to the disease by Christians and Muslims had influenced West Europeans to thoroughly change their hygienic habits for better whilst the Islamic world did not do that since they though the pestilence was the will of God and therefore did not require any institutional adjustment. This produced an enormous difference in plague-related infectiveness between the Christian world and the Islamic world, which was steadily endemic what was the reason why Europe isolated itself in the 14th century onward with the proof antiplague barrier passing through the middle of Serbian lands until the 19the century. The work goes on to present how the Ottomans, less orthodox than Arabians, in the middle of the 19th century, solved the problem of religious belief in accepting the plague passively, mostly under the influence of West Europeans. This happened when one dying aristocrat of the Ottoman Empire established the measures of anti-plague protection in the port of Alexandria, in spite of embittered protests by the eminent believers. After this precedent was made the disintegrating Ottoman Empire joined West Europeans in implementing the anti-plague measures. The work also mentions suffering of Serbia from the plague because of the country's specific geopolitical position, which over the five centuries caused the population become exposed to the pestilence and prevented them from being efficiently institutionally protected. The price which the Islamic dogma had paid to survive under the attack of plague is measured by millions of human lives, the fact which generally is not being discussed nowadays by Muslim historiographers of the disease.
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